Marvin D. Lewter

Decorations and Awards:

Miscellaneous information about different elements of his career.

Pope AFB

The development of air power during the last century changed the global perspective. Wilbur and Orville Wright accomplished the first sustained powered flight at Kitty Hawk, North Carolina on 17 December 1903. Fifteen years later, bi-planes and observation balloons began using a pea field north of the newly established Army artillery training post at Camp Bragg in 1918 as a landing strip.

After the war, Pope Field became an Air Force Base with the creation of the Air Force on 17 September 1947. The base served as the home of the 10th Tactical Reconnaissance Wing from 1947 until 1950, when Head Quarters Ninth Air Force moved to the base. During the next four years, the base primary mission dealt with training Forward Air Controllers for the Korean War. In 1954, HQ Ninth Air Force turned the base over to a troop carrier wing that specialized in tactical airlift.

In October 1954, the 464th Troop Carrier Wing transferred to Pope AFB, and a major period of facility expansion followed. The main runway, the taxiways, and the ramp were all expanded to support the 464 TCW's C-119 Flying Boxcars. One of the more innovative missions of this period was the airdrop of 17 Caterpillar D-4 tractors into remote Arctic locations to be used to prepare ice strips for the Defense Early Warning System (DEW line) sites.

During the 1950s and 1960s aircraft upgrade was the primary trend at the North Carolina installation. The C-123 Provider started replacing the C-119 in 1958, and in 1963 the first C-130 Hercules arrived, appropriately named "The North Carolina." The C-130 is a four-engine turboprop whose 17-ton payload and ability to operate from short, unimproved strips greatly expanded the wing's capability. This enhancement was soon demonstrated during the 1964 Belgian Congo Airlift, for which the 464th received the Mackay Trophy for "the most meritorious flight of the year."

Sheppard AFB, Texas

Sheppard AFB Texas has been providing top-notch instruction in a diverse array of Air Force specialties for more than half a century. Though the mission has changed several times, Sheppard has always been in the training business since it was officially opened as an active Army Air Corps base in October 1941, located near the city of Wichita Falls, Texas.

Official dedication of the field was October 17, 1941, following the arrival of the first military members June 14. The field was named for the late Senator Morris E. Sheppard, former chairman of the Senate Military affairs Committee. Facilities were completed sufficiently to allow the first class of 22 aviation mechanics to enter training that October; the class graduated February 23, 1942. During World War II, Sheppard conducted basic training, and it also trained glider mechanics, technical and flying training instructors and B-29 engineers. In addition to the basic flying training, the base also provided advanced pilot training for ground officers, and helicopter pilot training.

The Field reached its peak strength of 46,340 people while serving as a separation center for troops being discharged following World War II from September through November 1945. Sheppard Field was deactivated August 31, 1946 and declared surplus to the War Department's needs; it was transferred to the jurisdiction of the Corps of Engineers April 30, 1947. Control and accountability for Sheppard Field was transferred to the Department of the Air Force August 1, 1948. It was reactivated August 15, 1948, to supplement Lackland AFB, Texas, as a basic-training center and was renamed Sheppard AFB.

McConnel AFB, Kansas

McConnell Air Force Base has been home to an Air Force Materiel Center, the 350th Air Combat Crew Training Wing and the Strategic Air Command and Tactical Air Command wings. The 381st Strategic Missile Wing operated 18 Titan ICBM sites from 1960 to 1986. Air refueling operations began in 1971. In the mid-1980's, the base was selected to receive KC-135 and B-1B aircraft. Currently the Kansas Air National Guard flies 10 B-1B Lancers out of McConnell. The 22nd Air Refueling Wing, under Air Mobility Command, currently operates 48 KC-135 Stratotankers, supporting worldwide aerial refueling and airlift operations. This provides Global Reach for troops, equipment and supplies, and supports global contingency and conventional operations.

McConnell's history began in October 1924, when Wichita hosted more than 100,000 people for the National Air Congress. The event was used by city planners to raise funds for a proposed Wichita Municipal Airport. The event was a success and ground-breaking ceremonies for the airport were held on Jun 28, 1929. In August 1941, the Kansas Air National Guard was activated as the first military unit assigned to the Wichita airport. This was the start of a cooperative relationship between the people of Wichita and military aviation.

Military presence at the airport consisted primarily of aircraft material and procurement operations until June 4, 1951 when the 3520th Combat Crew Training Wing was activated there to conduct B-47 combat crew training. The Air Force sought to make the airport a permanent military installation, and the city of Wichita was awarded $9.4 million to build a new airfield, later to become known as Mid-Continent Airport.

Air Training Command was host at the base from 1951 through 1958, when the Strategic Air Command took over.

Besides hosting bombers, McConnell spent a quarter century supporting 18 Titan II missile silos of the 381st Strategic Missile Wing that were planted in the surrounding region. As with Titan II projects at Davis-Monthan, Arizona, and Little Rock, Arkansas, the construction at McConnell used a three-phase approach designed to cut down additional expenses caused by “concurrency.” Using this approach, 18 silos were constructed, forming a rough horseshoe around Wichita with the open end pointing slightly to the west of north. Launcher locations for the 532nd Strategic Missile Squadron included Wellington (2), Conway Springs, Viola, Norwich, Rago, Murdock, Kingman, and Mount Vernon. The 533rd Strategic Missile Squadron would have responsibility for silos at Potwin, El Dorado, Leon (3), Smileyville, Rock, Winfield, and Oxford. Additional support facilities were constructed on base.

Camp Stoneman, California - San Francisco Port of Embarkation

Though the sound of thousands of marching feet is but a memory today, not so very long ago Camp Stoneman was the principal "jumping off point" for more than one million American soldiers destined for military operations in the Second World War's Pacific Theater, and again several years later during the Korean War. Consisting of more than 2,500 sprawling acres, Camp Stoneman sprang to life near the town of Pittsburg in 1942 to act as the San Francisco Port of Embarkation's primary troop staging center. The function of the post was to receive and rapidly process troops for overseas service by completing paperwork and updating records, arranging for last minute training, providing medical and dental care, and issuing and servicing equipment.

Camp Stoneman, named after a Civil War cavalry commander and early Governor of California, had a lifespan of only 12 years, being activated on May 28, 1942, and decommissioned on August 30,1954. Most troops staging at the post before transportation overseas arrived aboard trains which steamed directly into the installation on spurs from both the Santa Fe and Southern Pacific mainlines. Although soldiers sometimes traveled to pier side at Fort Mason by truck convoy, most often they traveled by water via the Army's small ferry fleet. This fleet consisted of the former excursion boats Catalina and Cabrillo and the one million-dollar ferry Yerba Buena, which changed its name late in the war to the "Ernie Pyle."

The day-to-day operation of Camp Stoneman was a tremendous task. In addition to receiving, processing and embarking thousands of troops each week, waiting soldiers were housed and fed, medical and dental examinations and corrective work conducted, clothing, equipment and records put in proper order, final training provided, and numerous other odds and ends taken care of. Delays and mistakes resulted in problems at embarkation piers and overseas areas, so maximum attention was directed toward ensuring everything was done right At Camp Stoneman, there was no time for a second try.

Camp Stoneman consisted of more than 800 cream and khaki-colored buildings, capable of accommodating 20,000 troops at peak capacity. The average length of a stay for troops bound overseas was one to two weeks. When soldiers returned at the conclusion of World War 11 and the Korean Conflict, the average person was cleared out in less than 48 hours. A number of conveniences were maintained at the installation for use by the soldiers who were often restricted to post during their entire stay. The camp boasted three motion picture theaters, a ten-thousand seat outdoor theater, weekly USO shows throughout much of World War 11, eight well-stocked branches of the Post Exchange, a huge service dub, and much more. USO show entertainers included Hollywood stars such as Groucho Marx, Gary Moore and Red Skeleton. As specified by Army Regulations, profits from Post Exchange sales (which were considerable due so mammoth purchases by soldiers seeking to "stock up before going overseas) were used to finance projects for the enjoyment of the soldiers.

In an effort to ensure that only physically fit troops were sent for overseas duty everyone underwent complete medical examinations upon arrival at Camp Stoneman. This included a battery of inoculations to prevent diseases peculiar to Pacific destinations. An array of 45 dentists chairs were kept busy on an 18-hour schedule that saw many examinations conducted and teeth filled.

When the Second World War and the Korean Conflict each drew to a close, Camp Stoneman switched gears to become a separation center. Returning troopships were discharged at Fort Mason where soldiers were greeted by entertainers, an Army band, Red Cross volunteers passing out donuts, and coffee, and relatives and friends. The soldiers were then loaded aboard a ferry for the three-hour ride to Camp Stoneman.

Rapid City, AFB

On 2 January 1942 the U.S. War Department established Rapid City Army Air Base as a training location for B-17 Flying Fortress crews. Rapid City Army Air Field temporarily shut down from September 1946 - March 1947. When operations resumed in 1947 the base was a new United States Air Force asset. The primary unit assigned to Rapid City Air Force Base was the new 28th Bombardment Wing (BMW) flying the B-29 Superfortress. The installation changed names a few more times during its early years. In January 1948, Air Force Chief of Staff Gen Carl A. Spaatz renamed it Weaver Air Force Base in honor of Brig Gen Walter R. Weaver, one of the pioneers in the development of the Air Force. In June of that year, however, in response to overwhelming public appeals, Secretary of the Air Force Stuart Symington returned it to its previous name. The base was also declared a "permanent installation" in early 1948.

Shortly after additional runway improvements, in July 1949, the 28th BMW began conversion from B-29s to the huge B-36 Peacemaker. In April 1950 the Air Staff reassigned the base from 15th Air Force to 8th Air Force. Headquarters Strategic Air Command (SAC) reassigned the 28 BMW from 8th Air Force back to 15th Air Force in October 1955. Approximately one year later, SAC set plans in motion to replace the 28th's B-36s with the new all-jet B-52 Stratofortress. In 1958, all base units came under the command of the 821st Strategic Aerospace Division, headquartered at Ellsworth.

Camp Gruber, Oklahoma

War's outbreak in Europe in September 1939 prompted Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt to declare a limited national emergency on September 8 and step up military preparedness efforts. By June 1940 Congressional measures had augmented the federal budget for construction of arms and munitions plants, coastal defenses, and military training camps and expansion of existing bases. In 1939 the nation's armed forces numbered only 200,000, but plans for a six-million-man army had been made. The Cookson Hills Project was designed to provide an infantry training center for the U.S. Army's Eighth Service Command. The camp ultimately encompassed between sixty thousand and seventy thousand acres of eastern Oklahoma, or approximately 109 square miles of land lying east of the Arkansas River and State Highway 10 in Muskogee and Cherokee counties. The closest community was Braggs, in Muskogee County; the nearest small metropolitan area was Muskogee, site of Hatbox Field and other defense facilities.

Construction on the Cookson Hills facility began in early January 1942 when men of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Southwestern Division were transferred from Enid Air Field to establish a general headquarters in Muskogee and a field headquarters in Braggs. Soon twenty-five engineers and five truckloads of equipment arrived and set about the daunting task of building a thirty-five-thousand-troop facility. In February 1942 the camp was named "Gruber," after Brig. Gen. Edmund L. Gruber, long-time artillery officer at Fort Sill, Oklahoma.

Manhattan-Long Construction Company, which had built other camps in the region, presented the winning bid. The original contract called for the construction of 1,731 frame buildings, including 479 barracks, 100 hospital buildings, 55 administration buildings, a bakery, 12 chapels, a laundry, 210 mess halls, 221 recreation buildings, 258 storage warehouses; 5 theaters, 19 guard houses, 59 motor repair shops, 50 officers' quarters, and 261 miscellaneous buildings. (A prisoner war of camp was later added). A new supply system would bring water from Greenleaf Lake to a three-million-gallon concrete storage reservoir adjacent to the camp; sewer, gas, and electrical systems and roads, grading, and drainage were built. The contractor also relocated Highway 10 around the base. Manhattan-Long estimated that it needed to construct one new building every hour, in order to meet the deadline--no real feat, for on the Fort Riley, Kansas, job the company had built one every thirty-eight minutes. The army also used preexisting buildings within the reservation boundary; a ranch house complex (built in 1936 by the Pray family) served as the post commander's billet. Construction proceeded at breakneck speed through May 1942, and the first general order was issued on May 21.

The cantonment consisted of north-south and east-west streets in a U.S. Army modified triangular division layout. This part of the facility served as an area for barracks, for general administration, for engineer, ordnance, maintenance, and chemical warfare operations, and for medical and hospital services. Immediately north of the cantonment were grenade courts, bayonet courts, and obstacle courses. North of these were three small-arms firing ranges. A huge area lying north and east of the training fields (in both Muskogee and Cherokee counties) were armor and tank destroyer driving ranges and field, anti-aircraft, and coastal artillery firing ranges (with a very large, centrally placed "impact" area that lay in Cherokee County). On the western shore of Greenleaf Lake lay a third use area with various training and recreation facilities including Greenleaf Lodge (a 1937 WPA building), used as one of the cantonment's two Officers' Clubs.

During the course of World War II Camp Gruber provided training to infantry, field artillery, and tank destroyer units that went on to fight in Europe. Units of the 88th Infantry Division ("Blue Devil Division") trained at Camp Gruber. In1943 the 42nd Infantry Division ("Rainbow Division") was reactivated at Gruber. In 1945 the 86th Infantry Division ("Blackhawk Division") was stationed there pending deactivation at the end of the war. Ultimately, more than 44,868 troops either served at or trained at the camp, which also employed four thousand civilian workers and incarcerated three thousand German prisoners of war (in a facility west of Highway 10, separate from the base). Camp Gruber served as infantry and support group training base for the U.S. Army until after the end of World War II.

On June 3, 1947, Camp Gruber was deactivated and soon became surplus property, with 63,920 acres placed under the authority of the War Assets Administration. The federal government retained control. In 1952 the General Services Administration assumed authority over 31,294.62 acres from the WAA, and between 1948 and 1952 the U.S. Army reassumed control of 32,626 acres. By 1953 virtually the entire 1942 reservation was in federal hands (the exception being a nine-hundred-acre area that became part of Greenleaf Lake State Park, under authority of the State of Oklahoma). During the 1950s and 1960s most Camp Gruber's original buildings and facilities were removed or destroyed.

437th Troup Carrier Wing

Redesignated 437th Troop Carrier Group (Medium). Allotted to the reserve. Activated on 27 Jun 1949. Ordered to active duty on 10 Aug 1950. Moved to Japan in Nov 1950 and assigned to Far East Air Forces for duty in the Korean War. Used C-119's and C-46's to participate in the airlift between Japan and Korea from Dec 1950 to Jun 1952, transporting ammunition, rations, aircraft parts, gasoline, and other items to Pusan, Taegu, Suwon, Kimpo, Pyongyang, and other bases in Korea, and evacuating wounded personnel to hospitals in Japan. Dropped paratroops of 187th Regimental Combat Team at Munsanni in Mar 1951 and flew resupply and reinforcement missions in Apr and May. Supported the advance of Eighth Army into North Korea in Jun 1951. From Jan to Jun 1952, engaged chiefly in evacuating personnel on leave and in transporting replacements to the battle area. Relieved from active duty and inactivated in Japan, on 10 Jun 1952. Allotted to the reserve.

717th, 28th

The 28th Bomb Wing operated B-36 'Peacemaker' bombers out of Ellsworth AFB, North Dakota from July 1949 to May 1957. Aircraft were assigned to the 72nd, 717th and 718th Bombardment Squadrons. The unit was renamed the 28th Bombardment Wing, Heavy, on 16 May 1949; the 28th Strategic Reconnaissance Wing on 1 Apr 1950; and the 28th Strategic Reconnaissance Wing, Heavy, on 16 Jul 1950.

315th Troup Carrier Wing

Activated in the US on 19 May 1947. Apparently was not manned. Inactivated on 10 Sep 1948. Redesignated 315th Troop Carrier Group (Medium). Activated in Japan on 10 Jun 1952. Assigned to Far East Air Forces for operations in the Korean War. Used C-46 aircraft to participate in the airlift between Japan and Korea. Transported cargo such as vegetables, clothing, ordnance supplies, and mail; evacuated patients and other personnel. Remained in the theater after the armistice and continued to fly transport missions until 1955 Inactivated in Japan on 18 Jan 1955.

Redistribution Center, Hot Springs, Arkansas

Began as the very first joint Army-Navy hospital in January 1887 under the direct jurisdiction of the Secretary of War, the Army-Navy Hospital (known today as the Hot Springs Rehabilitation Center) preceded the Navy Hospital Corp and Walter Reed Army Medical Center. The hospital was recognized as the Army’s leading center for dealing with arthritis, and during World War II, the facility became the largest center for treating adults afflicted with infantile paralysis in the country due to the therapeutic baths provided for patients. Between 1887 and World War II, the hospital treated more than 100,000 patients.

Military men and women were streaming back from the battlefields of Europe and the Pacific. Many who suffered severe wounds or the loss of limbs were sent to Hot Springs to take advantage of the hydro-therapy treatments. The influx of injured soldiers taxed the Hot Springs facilities. To have more beds and space for added staff, the federal government bought the Eastman Hotel (in October 1942) across and down the street from the main hospital. A connecting ramp linked the two buildings, and the number of beds available for patients tripled almost overnight. This gave the hospital badly needed space for recreational and reconditioning projects, in addition to providing space for overnight family visitors.

Along with soldiers being treated for war injuries, servicemen from battle zones were sent to the Hot Springs facility for rest, relaxation, and rehabilitation. The Arlington and the Majestic hotels housed the overflow soldiers who could not be accommodated on the hospital base. In 1944, the Army began redeploying returning overseas soldiers; officials inspected hotels in 20 cities before selecting Hot Springs as a redistribution center for returning soldiers. In July and August 1944, the Army took over most of the hotels in Hot Springs.

The soldiers from the west-central states received a 21-day furlough before reporting to the redistribution station. They spent 14 days updating their military records and obtaining physical and dental treatment. The soldiers had time to enjoy the baths at a reduced rate and other recreational activities.

The redistribution center deactivate in November 1945 after processing more than 32,000 members of the military. The hotels were returned to civilian use and the Eastman annex was converted to officer's quarters and office space.

In 1959, the Army-Navy Hospital became the Hot Springs Rehabilitation Center.

88th Infantry Division

The "Blue Devil Division." Activated 15 July 1942 at Camp Gruber, Okla. as the 88th Division and redesignated there 1 August 1942 as the 88th Infantry Division; moved to the Louisiana Maneuver Area 16 June 1943 where participated in the Third Army No. 3 Louisiana Maneuvers; arrived at Fort Sam Houston, Tex., 29 August 1943 and staged at Camp Patrick Henry, Va. 8 November 1943 until departed Hampton Roads Port of Embarkation 6 December 1943; arrived North Africa 15 December 1943 and arrived in Italy on 6 February 1944 where remained active thru 1946.

A partial history of the 351st Infantry action on 12, 13 and 14 May 1944.

The time for the attack of the 338th Infantry and the 351st Infantry was originally set for 1600. As the 1st Battalion could not reach its jump-off position in time, Colonel Champeny requested the commander of the 88th Division to postpone the attack half an hour. Even this stay was not sufficient and Colonel Champeny then asked that the time for the attack be pushed back to 1830. The request was granted, but the delay was to apply only to the 351st Infantry. On the left flank the 338th Infantry was to jump off at 1630, in accordance with the original half-hour postponement.

The eastern positions on the crest of The Spur would be attacked by Company G. From its dug-in positions along the sunken road, Company G would wheel past Company E toward the eastern end of The Spur, then cut back sharply along the crest. Occupying positions on the crest, Company G would wait until it got word to push on into Santa Maria. Company E, attacking at the same time, would move out from the sunken road over the western end of The Spur, knock out the machine-gun nests there, and take the high ground east of Santa Maria. Although the two units were operating close to each other, various difficulties, including failure to get word of the postponed hour of attack, were to upset the coordination of the 2d Battalion attack.

Company G received its orders to attack sufficiently ahead of time to allow a brief reconnaissance of its objectives. At about 1530 Lieutenant Noon, the company commander, and his officers went around the eastern extremity of The Spur. No sooner had they reached the reverse slope than they were caught in a heavy mortar barrage. Lieutenant Noon, in advance of the other officers, was wounded severely in both legs. His fellow officers were unable to reach him and returned to the company to launch the attack at 1630.

The company moved out in a column of platoons, 3rd, 1st, 2nd, and 4th in that order, from its dug-in positions one-third of the way up the forward slope of The Spur (Map No. 17). After double-timing to the eastern slope, Company G changed its formation to two rifle platoons abreast and forward, and one in the rear, each platoon deployed in a wedge with two squads forward and one in support. When fire was first received, the forward squads in the platoons built up in a skirmish line. The mortar section of the Weapons Platoon supported the attack from defiladed positions in the draw south of The Spur, and the machine-gun section followed the 1st Platoon at supporting distance. The 3d Platoon on the right advanced across the eastern prong of The Spur and then half way over the northern slope toward the road. Here it was pinned down by machine-gun fire from positions at the western end of the crest. On the left of the 3d Platoon, the 1st had cut straight up along the crest of the eastern slope. Almost to the top, the 1st Platoon was stopped by machinegun fire from the same positions that checked the advance of the 3d Platoon. Just ahead of the 1st Platoon was a little dip in the ground at the eastern end of the crest. Every time the men stuck their heads over the edge of the dip, grazing machine-gun fire met them.

Having lost contact with the 3d Platoon on the right, 1st Lt. William G. Hohenadel, 1st Platoon leader, called up the 2d Platoon, which moved up swiftly on the right of the 1st Platoon. It came under the machine-gun fire covering the backbone of The Spur. Unable to advance frontally across the little dip (where the 2d Platoon dug in), the 1st Platoon swung to the left and fired on some men it saw in fox holes around house No. 9 whom it took to be Germans. The presumed enemy was the group from Company E, under Lieutenant McSwain, who had dug in near house No. 9 after Colonel Kendall was killed.

These men had received orders to join the rest of Company E at the sunken road and were trying to do so when caught in the mistaken fire from Company G. To stop this fire 1st Lt. Pat G. Combs, artillery liaison officer with McSwain's group, held up his helmet on a rifle. When the 1st Platoon continued to take pot shots at him, he stood upright. The men from Company G then recognized him and ceased firing, though not before they had seriously wounded Lieutenant McSwain.

After the Company E men, who had held out on the crest of The Spur for a day and a half, rolled and crawled down to their comrades at the sunken road, the 1st Platoon, Company G dug in around house No. 9. Farther to the east, the 2d Platoon was dug in at the military crest on the end of The Spur. The 3d Platoon had dug in on the northern slope.

On the 2d Battalion's left flank, Company E had even less success than Company G. At 1530, Captain Heitman, now in command of Company E, received an order from Colonel Champeny over the SCR 300 radio, giving the plan of the company attack with the jump-off time as 1630. Receiving no word of the postponement to 1830, Captain Heitman began his attack at 1630, not waiting for Lieutenant McSwain's group on the crest who had been ordered to join the company at the sunken road. Captain Heitman led the men from their dug-in positions west along the road in single file. After moving toward the central ridge a few yards beyond a bend in the road, Captain Heitman, at the head of the column, cut back sharply toward the immediate objectives of Company E, the German machine-gun nest on the western end of The Spur's crest. As soon as Captain Heitman and Pfcs. Earl R. Baish and Joseph C. Stockmal following just behind him turned off from the sunken road, they came under heavy fire from the machine guns on the crest. At the sound of the fire, the rest of Company E, which had not yet rounded the bend, stopped dead in its tracks.

The 351st Infantry could be proud of its record in the three-day battle for Santa Maria Infante. The attack was the first offensive action undertaken by the regiments of the 88th Division, first American draft division to go into combat. Veteran units could not have shown a more aggressive spirit against the extremely difficult, well-placed enemy positions covering the -hills and approaches to the regimental objective. The 351st suffered over 500 casualties in the three days. On 12 and 13 May, the only days during the battle on which an accurate breakdown of losses can be made, 84 men were killed, 284 wounded, and 93 missing—a total of 461 casualties. On the morning of 14 May the effective strength of the 2d and 3d Battalions' rifle companies, each of which had started with 170 men, was as follows: Company E, 90; Company G, 86; Company I, 74; Company K, 68; and Company L, 118. Company F no longer existed.

The efforts of the 351st Infantry against some of the strongest positions in the II Corps sector contributed greatly to the success of the first phase of Fifth Army's drive to Rome. The constant pressure of the infantry attacks in the Bracchi triangle, and the threat to the enemy's lateral supply route by the 339th Infantry's capture (13 May) of San Martino Hill, which commanded the Spigno road junction, had prevented the enemy from shifting any troops to meet the French drive through the rugged country farther north. Holding Mt. dei Bracchi, II Corps guarded the Ausonia Valley from the south, helping the French to push swiftly across the valley on 14-15 May after their brilliant success in the Mt. Majo hills.

Stalag Luft 7A

Bavaria, 35 kilometers northeast of Munich, and one kilometer north of Moosburg (48 / 27 North Latitude, 11 / 57 East longitude).

This installation served several purposes: It was the camp for NCO's of the U.S. Air Force until 13 October 1943, when all 1900 were transferred to Stalag 17B. It was the transit camp from which officers and men of the ground forces, captured in Africa and Italy, were routed to permanent camps. It was headquarters for working parties of ground force privates ( who numbered 270 in September 1943, and rose to 1100 in July 1944). As Germany collapsed in the spring of 1945, it became the final gathering place for no fewer than 7948 officers and 6944 enlisted men moved from other PW’S camps.

Situated in a flat area surrounded by hills, the camp was roughly a square divided into 3 main compounds, which in turn, were subdivided into small stockades. The NORDLAGER held newly arrived PW’S two days, while they were searched, medically examined and deloused. The SUEDLAGER held only Russians. The HAUPTLAGER housed PW’s of other nationalities: French, Polish, Jugoslav (Serb), British and American. Although nationalities were segregated by compounds, intercommunication existed. No effort was made to keep transient American PW’s from the permanent inmates. Seven guard towers and the usual double barbed wire fence, formed the camps' perimeter. Barracks were rectangular wooden buildings divided into 2 sections, A and B, by a central room used for washing and eating. In it were a water faucet, and water pump and some tables. The barracks chief and assistant had a small comer room to themselves. PW’s slept on triple-deck wooden bunks and gunny-sack mattresses filled with excelsior. Gradually the number of men per barracks increased from 180 to 400. Men slept on tables, floors and the ground.

The German guard was drawn from the Fourth Company of the 512th Landeschuetzen Battalion. Four officers and 200 men were employed on general duties. Ten Sonderfuehrers with the rank of officers acted as interpreters. Twenty civilian men and 20 civilian women were employed as clerks in the camp. This complement was increased in April 1945 , with the arrival of the entire camp staff and guard personnel of Stalag Luft 3, Nurnberg. Control of the camp, however, remained in the hands of the regular Stalag 7A staff.

Commandant - Oberst Burger Asst. Commandant - Oberstleutnant Wahler Security Officer - Hauptman Baumler Doctor - Oberfeldarzt Dr. Zeitzler Lager officer - Hauptman Malheuim Parcel officer - Sonderfuehrer Kluge

It has been reported by some PW’S that Burger, Malheuim and Kluge, a fanatic of the worst sort, were shot 3 days after the camp's liberation.

German treatment was barely correct. In addition to harsh living conditions caused by extreme overcrowding, instances of mistreatment occasionally cropped up. Thus, at one time the Germans tried to segregate all Jews among U.S. PW’s (calling them in from work detachments and allotting them a separate barrack). The MOC lodged a protest with the Protecting Power immediately. When questioned, camp authorities stated that the action was taken for the Jews' own protection, against possible civilian acts of violence. Eventually the attempt at segregation failed and Jews were not distinguished from other American PW’S.

At the Munich Kammando, guards jabbed PW’S with bayonets and hit them with rifle butts. In the base camp, an NCO reported being kicked, then being mistaken for a Frenchman and choked during an argument; and later handcuffed after an escape attempt. Once an American, using a hole in the fence instead of the open gate, to go from one compound to another, was shot at but not hit. In April 1943 a Russian was shot on the compound wire and left hanging there wounded. An Englishman went to lift him off the wire and was shot, but recovered. The Russian died.

In July 1943, 500 Americans without overcoats were forced to stand in formation for 5 hours in a heavy rain. The reason, said the Germans, was that the Americans had not been falling out at exactly 0800. During the first 2 weeks of August, the camp discipline officer had the PW’s fall out for roll call at 2100, 2400, and 0300. They were punished thus, because many Americans had been escaping. PW’s showed no annoyance and displayed such good morale that the Germans discontinued the practice, especially since both sides knew that the PW’s could sleep all day, but the guards could not.

Sonderfuehrer Kluge once marched 1100 PW’s for a whole day, without food, through Nurnberg, so they could see the devastation wrought by Allied bombing. In Sept. 1943, when PW’s ventured out of the barracks to watch the bombing of Munich, Germans come into the compound with dogs, one of which jumped into a window and was stabbed by a retreating American. During the Regensburg raid, when PW’s were again outside their barracks contrary to orders, a German night fighter flying over the camp reported that someone in the American compound was signaling with a mirror. After that PW’s were notified that anyone outside the barracks during an air raid, would be shot. One night a JU 88, with lights on, made 2 runs over the camp and dropped cement blocks. Germans then started propagandizing to the effect that the Allies were bombing their own camps.

Here too, PW’s depended on Red Cross food for sustenance and nourishment. Until Sept. 1944, each PW’S drew his full parcel per week, and a 2 months' reserve was kept on hand in camp. Then the ration was cut to half a parcel per man, per week and the reserve not allowed to exceed one month's supply. With the influx of PW’s in the beginning of 1945, stocks fell to an all time low. PW’s feared a complete collapse in the delivery of Red Cross food. Fortunately, this fear never materialized.

In July 1943, the MOC persuaded the Germans to issue each man a spoon and crockery plate. Cooking utensils were improvised from whatever materials could be found. Fifteen or 20 men formed mess groups, pooled their Red Cross rations and took turns in preparing them. They cooked over the small barracks stove. Each barrack had 2 men on the chow detail, and the space around each stove was therefore quite crowded. At 0630, the detail brought hot water from the compound kitchen. Breakfast usually consisted of coffee and a few biscuits only. At 1130 they brought the German dinner ration, usually potatoes boiled in their jackets, from the kitchen. Sometimes spinach-type greens or barley soup were added. Five men divided one loaf of German issue bread. For supper at 1700, PW’S drew more potatoes. On Sundays they received greens with morsels of meat. Twice a week. they had a small piece of margarine. At first, French cooks prepared the food in the compound kitchen, but since Americans thought some of the victuals disappeared in the process, they later installed their own cooks.

Health was good. Several American doctors, captured early in the African and Italian campaigns, accompanied PW’s to Stalag 7A and were able to remain with them until their transfer to permanent camps. The camp also had some British doctors; and some French.

Men reported to the dispensary and if deemed ill enough for hospitalization were kept in the compound infirmary, which could accommodate 120 patients in 10 rooms. More serious cases went to the German camp lazaret, outside the compound. This installation consisted of 8 barrack-type buildings, 2 of which were equipped for surgical operations.

Allied doctors complained of a serious shortage of medical supplies. At first they used German drugs and such equipment as they could get. Later the Red Cross sent supplies, which alleviated the shortage but did not satisfy the doctors' demands.

Despite delousings, lice and fleas troubled PW’s a great deal. Americans, however, unlike the Russians never contracted typhus. For a time they suffered from skin diseases brought about by uncleanliness; washing facilities were completely unsatisfactory and a man was extremely lucky to take a shower every 15 days.

Latrines were always a source of contention between PW’s and camp authorities. Complaint was constantly made, that the pits were emptied only when they threatened to overflow; and that there was no chloride of lime to neutralize the odor, which permeated the surrounding area.

Emergency dental treatment could be obtained in the German lazaret.

Since the Germans issued practically no clothing and the flow of needy transients through camp was heavy, the clothing shortage was always acute. From February 1943 on, the reports of the Protecting Power repeatedly carried such paragraphs as the following:

"The general condition of clothing is very bad. The American Red Cross should send out clothing in sufficient quantities as the cold season is approaching. Great coats and whole uniforms are badly wanted. The supply of uniforms issued by the Detaining Power is mainly old French or British uniforms in a state of mending which leaves no hope for long wear."

Clothing from the Red Cross did arrive, but not in sufficient quantity to provide for equipping newly captured PW’S. who were wearing only the clothes in which they were capture and sometimes not even those. It was observed by a Man of Confidence, that 4 warehouses in camp, contained many new English overcoats and battle-dress outfits, as well as many articles of American clothing taken from PW’s as they entered the camp or left it. These included aviators' leather jackets, American coveralls, combat jackets, pants, shoes, hat and shirts. It was believed by the Man of Confidence, that the clothing in storage was more than enough to alleviate the suffering of both American and British PW’S, yet all pleas and efforts to have the Germans ameliorate the situation were to no avail.

The original group of Air Force PW’s - comprised almost exclusively of NCO's - was not ordered to work. Nevertheless, before going to Stalag 17B, many volunteered for kommando duty, merely to get on the other side of the compounds' barbed wire and have more liberty. On the other hand, Germans insisted that ground force privates be assigned to labor details. Camp authorities tried to have PW’s volunteer for duties - a practice which the MOC advised against except in the case of farm work, which was less unpleasant than other kommando duty.

Attached to the camp were as many as 83 work detachments, ranging in size from four men (usually sent out to farms) to 900 men. The 3 main kommandos were situated in Munich, Augsburg and Landshut. After the heavy bombing of Munich on October 1, 1944, a work detachment of some 1400 PW’S ‘s was formed. This party consisted of 60% Americans and 40% British. It left the Stalag at 0500 and returned at 2000. PW’s traveled in cattle cars from Moosburg station, standing up all the way to Munich and back. The time spent in the train going to and returning from work, was 3 1/2 hours. During their 8 working hours a day, PW’s cleared debris, filled bomb craters and dismantled damaged rails. Men received 2 meals at Munich and their regular ration at the camp. In the event of air attacks, adequate shelter was provided. There were instances of Germans pricking with bayonets and hitting them with rifle butts to make them work faster and harder.

A model farm Kommando was described as follows: Twenty PW’s live in a farmhouse of 5 rooms; including a room with a stove for the cooking of Red Cross food. They sleep in 3 of the rooms in double-tier beds with straw mattresses and eider-downs. Bathing and toilet facilities are primitive but similar to those used by their employer. The men sometimes eat with the farmer for whom they work and their diet, supplemented with Red Cross food, is good. Medical supplies for minor injuries are on hand and a civilian doctor takes sick parade twice a week. PW’s each possess 2 work uniforms, a dress uniform and 2 pairs of shoes. Fourteen of the men are free on Sundays; the others do the essential farm work, namely feeding cattle and cleaning stables. Razor blades, beer and matches are available. PW’s have neither time nor facilities for sports. The mail situation is satisfactory, except for the pilfering of parcels in route from the stalag to the detachment.

On only 3 occasions was the Man of Confidence permitted to visit kommando camps for inspection. Although he turned in complaints, no improvement in conditions resulted.

In March 1943, it was reported that the matter of paying officers had not yet been settled between PW’s and camp authorities. In the same month, an American enlisted man on kommando was paid the equivalent of $13.00 a month. Another worker revealed that the wage rate was .70 Reichmarks a day. In July this was increased to .90 Reichmarks a day. In April 1944, an advance of 50 Reichmarks was made to officer PW’S of the Allies, but in April 1945, the Senior British officer stated that officers were not being paid and that they had not received any pay statements for 7 months. Similarly, the 1400 man kommando working daily in the debris of Munich, was not paid because the labor performed by them was considered, by the Germans, to be "emergency" labor; to which anyone resident in the Reich was subject without pay. In October 1944 it was announced that PW’S pay, which up to that time had been in camp money or "lagergeld" would henceforth be in Reichmarks.

During their stay at camp, transient PW’s were allowed to send 1 postcard, usually their first, in which they informed next of kin of their German PW’S number and address. PW’s permanently at 7A drew 2 postcards and letter forms per month. Incomming mail, censored at camp, was unlimited in quantity but sporadic in arrival, especially at kommandos, which received no incoming mail for months at a time. Both outgoing and incoming letters took 4 months in transit, as did personal parcels. The flow of such parcels was light.

On 10 November 1944, four French PW’s were employed to unload coal into a bunker of the German barracks situated in the vicinity of the camp. They found that a large number of both official and private letters and cards were scattered in the coal. They picked up several loose letters as well as bunches tied together in small packages. Part of the latter included official letters addressed to the spokesmen of the different nationalities represented in the camp, coming from the Red Cross, the YMCA and other organizations. The next morning, the French, British and American spokesman went to the Commandant's office to protest and demand explanations as well as the restitution of the mail after inspection of the bunker in question. The following day, the camp commandant made it known that he would take charge of the affair personally. After a hasty censorship, a considerable number of letters ( 2 sacks weighing 88 pounds apiece) were delivered to PW’S. Them letters dated from the months of May, June and July 1944. It was impossible to say how long they had been in the coal. The commandant stated that an error had been made and that punishment would be inflicted, but that no letter had been burned.

The assistant American MOC was under the impression that mail - including outgoing letters - definitely had been burned. This impression was strengthened after the incident when the Germans issued additional new letter forms.

Initially morale was high. Air Force NCO's repeatedly made breaks from camp, and before their transfer to Stalag 17B, showed their hostility toward the Germans by often refusing to salute, by failing to come to attention when a German officer entered the barracks and by their careless, slouching, hands-in-pocket walk. After their sojourn in camps in Italy, ground force PW’s captured in 1942-43 were pleasantly surprised by the treatment accorded then in Stalag 7A which had been a model camp for several years.

In spite of a succession of able camp leaders, morale slumped when the camp grew so crowded that PW’s had neither decent living quarters, nor satisfactory sanitary facilities nor sufficient clothing. Early in 1944, the MOC reported that stealing among PW’s was common and that fights were inevitable. However, except for a period of 3 weeks in December 1944 the strongest morale factor, food, was available. In the spring of 1945, although the, camp was more crowded than ever, morale did not slump. Red Cross food kept coming through and the arrival of officers with strong, experienced SAO's did much to prevent the spirit of PW’s from disintegrating.

A representative of the Protecting Power made a routine visit to the camp every 6 months. In addition he would make a special trip whenever summoned. MOC's were permitted to talk to him privately, but despite oral and written protests about both veneral and specific affairs of the camp, very little improvement was ever effected. The representatives repeatedly said that his hands were tied and there was nothing he could do about it. One MOC felt that, the representatives were characterized by indifference, and inertia, until the arrival of American officers in the camp. Subsequently their attitude changed for the better.

PW’s were indebted to the Red Cross for almost all their food, clothing and medical sup plies. While food parcels arrived regularly and in sufficient quantity most of the time, the camp suffered a constant clothing shortage since the stocks shipped from Geneva were not enough to equip the many thousands of transient PW’S who passed through the camp ever, few months.

The first groups of PW’S arriving in camp reported the presence of recreational and athletic equipment which had come from the YMCA. Later, however, as the stalag evolved into a transit camp and work camp, need for such equipment was less evident and little was received.

In 1943-44, camp chaplain was 1st Lt. Eugene L. Daniel, who won the admiration of both Americans and British. He had complete liberty to look after PW’s in the stalag, and once a month went to visit the 2 work detachments near Munich. He also received permission to visit the Wehrkreis PW’S hospital. In addition to Chaplain Daniel, Capt. Arkell of the Church of England held services for Protestants. Roman Catholics were permitted to attend weekly masses celebrated by French priests. Jews were for a time segregated in separate barracks. Otherwise they were not discriminated against. Nor were they offered any religious services.Conditions on kommandos varied. A few were visited by PW chaplains or attended local services, but most had no opportunity for religious observances.

Before their transfer to 17B, the Air Force NCO's main diversions were baseball and bridge. They also played a good deal of volley ball. For a time they had a basketball court, but tore down the backboards for fuel. They also played horseshoes. A camp baseball league had many games between the "POWs", "Wildcats", "Bomber Aces", "Luftgangsters" and so on. At first they were allowed to use the soccer field behind their compound, a privilege later denied them. PW’S lacked sufficient space for recreation, especially toward the end when the compound was so completely overcrowded that Italians were sleeping in tents on the baseball diamond.

The original study program included classes in Spanish, German, French, auto mechanics economics, bookkeeping, accounting, and mathematics. The YMCA furnished the books for these courses. A theater kept its 1943 participants interested and its audience amused. Plays were given in a room between barracks, and because of the limited accommodations, a show could have quite an extended run. The program was well arranged to provide continued and varied entertainment. One of the plays was Our Town". Another was one written by the director of the group and called, "Uncle Sam Wants You". The German censor cut some of the jokes from this piece, but he did not understand most of them. The camp commandant attended one performance. There were also a minstrel show and some singing performances When the camp became so crowded during the fall of 1943, a group of men used to go from barracks to barracks to sing each night. The band was short of instruments.

In 1944 and 1945, conditions deteriorated. Ground force enlisted men indulged in little or no sports or recreation, either because there was too little equipment for the transients; or because as regular members of kommandos, they were too tired after the days work to play.

On 2 February, 2000 officers of the South Compound, Stalag Luft 3, reached Stalag 7A; followed on 7 February by 2000 more from the Center Compound. They were placed in the Nordlager, from which small groups were taken to be searched, deloused and sent to the main camp. No facilities were provided for washing, sanitation, cooking and only straw spread over the floors of the barracks served as bedding. In somewhat less than a week, all personnel had moved to the main camps where conditions were little better.

Over 300 men were housed in barracks normally holding fewer than 200 men. In order to provide bunks for this number in each building, the Germans arranged three-deckers, in groups of 4, thus accommodating 12 PW’S per unit. The barracks had no heat and as a result were damp, cold and unhealthful. The German administration was unprepared for the influx of new personnel and seemed completely disorganized. German rations were unbelieveably poor; no inside sanitary facilities existed and there was no hot water. The 2000 PW’S of the Center Compound were quartered in 2 adjacent, but separate stockades, some distance from the enclosure holding their mates from the South Compound. At the rear of the barracks in each of the 2 stockades, a small open area - barely large enough to hold the various units for counting - was available for exercise. Aside from this, no facilities were provided for physical training or athletics. Nor was there any recreational material, other than books in a traveling library provided by the YMCA.

In March the Germans provided boilers and fuel enough to allow each man to draw a pint of hot water, twice daily. In order to improve the quantity and quality of German rations issued to Americans, Col. Archibald Y. Smith, SAO, made a continuous effort to place an American officer and several enlisted men in the German kitchen. This was finally accomplished 24 March and henceforward, rations improved steadily. The German administration also consented to allow groups of 50 men under guard, to gather small quantities of firewood in the area adjacent to the camp. These improvements, although falling far short of the provisions of the Geneva Convention, helped a great deal to improve the mental and physical state of all the PW’S. During all of this period, Red Cross foods (initially on a half-parcel basis) was increased to full parcels and the health of the PW’S remained remarkably good. By this time, too, news of the Allied advances acted as a tonic on the men.

The first of April saw many PW’S from other camps throughout Germany, evacuated to the vicinity of Stalag 7A to prevent their recapture by Allied forces pressing toward the center of the Reich. This influx brought about a state of unbelieveable overcrowding and confusion. Members of the former South Compound were moved en masse into the enclosure occupied by the Center Compound. Thus 4000 PW’S lived in an area, which had been unable to support 2000 satisfactorily. Large tents were erected in whatever space was available; straw was provided as bedding. It was not uncommon to see men sleeping on blankets in foxholes. Col. Paul R. Goode became SAO upon the arrival of officers from Oflag 64, in mid-April. Air Force officers from Nurnberg arrived on 19 April. During the last 10 days of April, it was felt that all PW’S would be left in camps, following the agreement between the German Government and the Allies, and preparations were made accordingly. However, fear that the Germans would move PW’S to the Salzburg redoubt and there hold them as hostages was never absent.

On 27 April, two representatives of the Protecting Power arrived at Moosburg, to attend and facilitate the transfer of the PW’S camp from German to American Authority. On the 28th, it was learned from Oberst Burger, the Commandant, that order was to be assured by assigning PW officers to various PW groups. Moreover, Col. Burger kept the entire German administrative staff in camp, as well as the complete guard staff. Col. Burger had not yet received, from the German military authorities, a reply to his question concerning the avoidance of fighting in the vicinity of the camp. The commandant asked the two Swiss to act as intermediaries between himself and the Men of Confidence.

After a conference with the Men of Confidence, the two Swiss were recalled to the commandant. It appeared that the unexpectedly rapid advance of the American forces in the region, necessitated an immediate conference between the camp authorities ( represented by Oberst Braune) and the local German Army Corps commandant, in order to propose the exclusion of fighting from the Moosburg region. The proposal, made by Oberst Braune, and the Swiss representative, was accepted in view of Article 7 of the Geneva Convention. Appropriate instructions were given to the commander of the division in the sector in question, and the proposal was formulated for presentation to the advancing Americans. According to this proposal, an area of a few kilometers around Moosburg would have to be declared a neutral zone.

At dawn on the 19th, The Americans and British Men of Confidence, the Swiss representative and an officer from the SS fighting division in the region, drove in a white Red Cross car to the American lines. They were stopped by two tanks commanded by a colonel, who drove them to the commanding general. After a long discussion with the German spokesman, the general declared the proposal unfavorable and unacceptable. The German returned to his divisional headquarters and the Swiss then drove to camp with the Men of Confidence.

At 1000, immediately after their arrival, the battle started. The ensuing fight lasted some 2 1/2 hours, during which a shell hit one of the camp barracks, injuring 12 of the guards and killing one. PW’S remained calm although tank shots, machine guns and small arm fire could be heard. Half an hour after the fighting abated, Combat Team A of the 14th Armored Division appeared at the camp entrance. The guards, unresisting, were disarmed. PW’S burst out rejoicing, but did not try to leave camp. The supervision of the camp automatically went to the Men of Confidence and an official transfer did not take place.

By instruction of the American military commander, part of the German administrative personnel remained at their posts. The remainder, including the guards, were taken as prisoners. The Swiss reported that treatment of German camp authorities and guards, by American troops, was correct.